Drug abuse in Aceh remains a serious issue, with a prevalence rate of 1.73%, representing approximately 80,000 users slightly decreasing from 1.95% recorded two years earlier [1]. This situation poses a significant threat to the quality of the younger generation, who should be the driving force behind the region’s social and economic development. Although rehabilitation efforts have been implemented, their effectiveness continues to face various challenges [2]. Studies indicate that the success of rehabilitation is largely influenced by the role of counselors who are able to guide drug offenders toward healthier patterns of thinking and stronger determination to recover [3]. However, upon leaving rehabilitation facilities, former users still confront major obstacles, including social stigma, limited skills, and insufficient environmental support. These factors often hinder the process of social reintegration and increase the risk of relapse [4]. To date, rehabilitation centers supported by the Aceh government generally emphasize medical and psychological approaches in their recovery programs. This reality highlights that drug rehabilitation efforts in Aceh have not yet achieved optimal effectiveness and thus require a more comprehensive strategy one that integrates medical, social, skill-building, and community-based support, while also addressing psychological, spiritual, and social dimensions [5].

Amid the continuing limitations of medical and psychological approaches to drug rehabilitation, there is a growing need for more comprehensive strategies that also address spiritual dimensions. One such practice that has developed in Aceh is the Rateb Siribee tradition, a form of collective dhikr initiated by the Majelis Pengkajian Tauhid Tasawuf (MPTT-I) under the guidance of Abuya Syekh H. Amran Wali[6],[7]. This tradition serves not only as a religious ritual but also as a means to cultivate inner calm, enhance religious awareness, and strengthen social bonds among individuals [8]. As such, Rateb Siribee holds significant potential as an alternative rehabilitation model that complements conventional programs by integrating spiritual, social, and psychological elements into the recovery process of narcotics addicts[9].

This study aims to explore the role of the Rateb Siribee tradition as an alternative spiritual rehabilitation approach for former drug addicts. Specifically, it examines the foundational reasons underlying the use of Rateb Siribee as a medium for rehabilitation, describes its practical implementation in the daily lives of participants, and analyzes the meanings ascribed to this tradition by both practitioners and the wider community. In doing so, this study seeks to offer a more comprehensive understanding of the contribution of Rateb Siribee to mental, spiritual, and social recovery, while enriching the existing rehabilitation models currently practiced in Aceh.

Theoretically, this study is grounded in the Living Qur’an approach and Kenneth I. Pargament’s Religious Coping Theory. The Living Qur’an is understood as the transmission of Qur’anic and prophetic texts into lived practices or traditions, whereby Qur’anic verses are not only recited or memorized but also actualized in everyday life [10]. In the context of Rateb Siribee, the collective recitation of dhikr reflects the meaning of QS. Ar-Ra’d verse 28, which emphasizes tranquility of the heart through the remembrance of God.[11] Meanwhile, Religious Coping Theory highlights that individuals experiencing psychological distress tend to engage their religious beliefs and practices as mechanisms to cope with stress [12],[13]. Accordingly, Rateb Siribee can be understood both as a manifestation of the Living Qur’an and as a form of religious coping that provides former drug addicts with a channel to express inner restlessness through dhikr, prayer, and communal spiritual support. This demonstrates that religious approaches are not merely ritualistic but also possess significant therapeutic functions in social rehabilitation [14].

Previous studies on drug addiction rehabilitation have generally emphasized medical, psychological, or legal-policy approaches [15]. Although spiritual-therapy research has been conducted such as dhikr-based counseling or Sufi-oriented interventions [16] these studies tend to offer normative insights on the importance of spirituality without explaining how specific practices operate within the recovery process. Moreover, they do not elaborate on the empirical effectiveness of particular dhikr methods nor their relevance within modern rehabilitation frameworks, resulting in contributions that remain descriptive rather than applicative. Meanwhile, existing scholarship on Rateb Siribee largely examines its theological, social, and cultural dimensions, without directly linking it to the challenges faced by former drug addicts in their recovery [17]. Thus, this study seeks to fill this gap by emphasizing the value of Rateb Siribee as a spiritually grounded practice relevant to contemporary rehabilitation contexts.

This study offers a new contribution by examining Rateb Siribee directly as a rehabilitation model for former drug addicts. Based on this premise, it seeks to address two central questions: (1) how the Rateb Siribee tradition is practiced and what spiritual foundations underlie its use in rehabilitation; and (2) how former addicts interpret their spiritual, psychological, and social experiences while participating in the practice.

Drawing from this research gap, the present study positions Rateb Siribee as a spiritual rehabilitation model that holds strong relevance to Aceh’s socio-cultural context [18]. It emphasizes that Rateb Siribee should not be understood merely as a devotional ritual but also as a method of inner healing that can strengthen motivation, reduce social stigma, and facilitate the reintegration of former addicts into community life. Accordingly, this research aims to provide a dual contribution: academically, by expanding the discourse on spiritually based rehabilitation within Islamic and social studies; and practically, by offering a foundation for social, religious, and health institutions to formulate more comprehensive and contextually grounded strategies for addressing drug addiction.

This study employs a descriptive qualitative approach using the Living Qur’an framework, which examines how Qur’anic verses are practiced and interpreted within social life. This approach positions the Qur’an as a source of meaning that becomes alive through community actions and practices. As explained by Gade, the Living Qur’an involves the transformation of sacred texts into behavioral and cultural representations [19], a perspective further supported by contemporary studies on the embodiment of Qur’anic meanings within the religious rituals of Muslim communities in Indonesia[20],[21]. In this research, QS. Ar-Ra’d verse 28 is explored through the practices and spiritual experiences of participants in the Rateb Siribee tradition as a form of actualizing dhikrullah in daily life.

Data were collected through observation, in-depth interviews, and field documentation. The research informants consisted of ten former drug addicts aged 24–38, with varying durations of participation in Rateb Siribee ranging from 6–11 months, approximately two years, to more than three years. This variation provides a comprehensive overview of spiritual meaning-making, psychological strengthening, and social transformation across different stages of recovery. These techniques constitute standard qualitative research methods, in line with Creswell’s assertion that qualitative approaches are used to deeply understand phenomena through direct interaction with participants[22], and Moleong’s emphasis that interviews, observation, and documentation serve as primary instruments in qualitative inquiry [23]. Informants were selected using purposive sampling, based on the relevance and richness of the information they could provide. This aligns with Patton’s view that participants are chosen because they possess in-depth understanding of the phenomenon under study [24]. Observations were conducted by attending Rateb Siribee sessions organized by MPTT-I in Meulaboh, while interviews were carried out with religious figures, group mentors, and former drug addicts who actively participated in the activities.

Data analysis in this study follows the qualitative analytic model developed by Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña, which consists of three stages: data condensation, data display, and conclusion drawing and verification [22]. In the data condensation stage, the researcher selected, simplified, and transformed field data to sharpen the analytical focus without losing the essential meaning [22]. During this process, several informants’ statements were organized into emerging thematic categories. For example, one participant stated, “Before joining Rateb, my heart was always restless. But after performing the dhikr, I felt calm, as if Allah still wanted to accept me.” This statement reflects the theme of spiritual tranquility. Another theme appeared in the psychological domain, as illustrated by an informant’s remark: “I used to get angry easily, but after joining Rateb, I became more patient. Dhikr feels like a medicine that soothes my mind,” indicating a significant emotional shift. Condensed data were then presented in narrative form and thematic matrices to facilitate the identification of patterns and relationships across categories. The final stage involved drawing and verifying conclusions, which was conducted continuously throughout the research process to ensure the validity of the findings. Data trustworthiness was maintained through source triangulation by comparing observations, interviews, and documentation. This technique refers to Lincoln and Guba’s concept of trustworthiness, which includes credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability as the foundational criteria for qualitative research validity[25].

Through this approach, the study seeks to understand how Rateb Siribee is perceived as a means of spiritual, psychological, and social rehabilitation for former drug addicts. Rasmussen explains that the practice of reciting and internalizing the Qur’an within Muslim communities produces layered emotional, spiritual, and social meanings [20]. Accordingly, this method enables the researcher to trace the process of internalizing QS. Ar-Ra’d verse 28 in the participants’ lives and to examine how the tradition of Rateb Siribee functions as a manifestation of the Living Qur’an that contributes to the self-recovery of former drug addicts.

Rateb Siribee is a form of communal dhikr that has long lived and developed in Aceh, particularly in the west–south coastal regions such as Aceh Besar, Pidie, Aceh Barat Daya, and Aceh Selatan [26]. This tradition has deep roots in the teachings of Sufism and the ṭarīqa orders that spread to Aceh during the golden age of the Sultanate of Aceh Darussalam in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries [27]. During this period, Sufi teachings played a significant role in shaping the religious character of Acehnese society through the practice of wirid, dhikr, and collective spiritual training [28]. These patterns of religiosity eventually gave rise to various structured forms of dhikr rituals that were transmitted across generations, later becoming the tradition known as Rateb Siribee.

Etymologically, the term rateb derives from the Arabic word rātib (الراتب), meaning “organized or scheduled dhikr,” while siribee comes from the Acehnese language, meaning “a thousand” or “repeated many times.” Thus, Rateb Siribee may be understood literally as a repetitive and collective chant of dhikr intended to strengthen spiritual resilience and purify the heart (tazkiyat al-nafs). The tradition is firmly grounded in the long historical development of Islam in Aceh, where since the early stages of Islamization, the community has been closely familiar with the practices of wirid, ṭarīqa, and dhikr assemblies as means of strengthening faith [29]. In this context, dhikr is not merely a ritual act of worship but also a social instrument that cultivates spiritual awareness, reinforces communal solidarity, and provides a space for reflection and moral cultivation within society [30].

In its subsequent development, the Rateb Siribee tradition was revitalized by Abuya Shaykh H. Amran Wali through the Majelis Pengkajian Tauhid Tasawuf Indonesia (MPTT-I) [31]]. What was once practiced only within limited circles of specific congregations later expanded into large gatherings open to the wider public, eventually becoming one of the contemporary spiritual identities of Aceh. Through the role of Abuya Amran Wali, Rateb Siribee functions not only as a religious ritual but also as a medium of spiritual cultivation that instills the values of tawḥīd, self-awareness, and love for God [32]. The regular communal dhikr held in various regions of Aceh, particularly in Meulaboh, demonstrates that this tradition remains adaptive to social developments while serving as an instrument of spiritual revitalization amid the challenges of modernity and the moral crises faced by the younger generation.

This statement is further reinforced by Tgk. Ramadhan, the MPTT-I commander in Meulaboh. He explained that he has followed the teachings and missionary activities of Abuya Shaykh Amran Wali for more than twenty years. During this period, Abuya has consistently promoted the cultivation of tawḥīd and Sufism through dhikr assemblies, scholarly study sessions, and various national and international seminars on tauhid tasawuf. His unwavering commitment to da‘wah illustrates that the Rateb Siribee tradition is built upon a strong spiritual foundation and developed through a continuous process, giving it not only ritual significance but also scholarly legitimacy and broad public acceptance[33].

The emergence and endurance of this tradition cannot be separated from the interplay of religious and cultural values embedded in Acehnese society. Religiously, dhikr is regarded as a form of worship that brings inner peace, as affirmed in the Qur’anic verse QS. Ar-Ra‘d: 28, “Verily, in the remembrance of Allah do hearts find tranquility.” Culturally, Acehnese society upholds strong communal values and the spirit of mutual cooperation (meusapat), making collective dhikr such as Rateb Siribee a natural and highly valued practice that strengthens social solidarity. This synergy between religious and cultural values has preserved the continuity of Rateb Siribee to the present day. Consequently, Rateb Siribee functions not only as a religious expression but also as a social mechanism that reinforces community cohesion, nurtures interpersonal bonds, and strengthens the religious identity of Acehnese society amid changing times.

In the contemporary social context, the relevance of Rateb Siribee has become increasingly evident, particularly as Aceh faces high rates of narcotics abuse. Data from the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) indicates that Aceh is among the regions with significant prevalence of drug use, predominantly among individuals of productive age. Although medical and psychological rehabilitation programs have been implemented, many former addicts continue to experience social stigma, feelings of alienation, and a lack of moral support after leaving rehabilitation centers [34]. These conditions often hinder sustained recovery and may trigger relapse. Interview findings reveal that participation in Rateb Siribee offers former addicts experiences distinct from conventional medical therapy. Sitting together in the assembly, chanting dhikr, and listening to religious counsel allow them to feel accepted again as part of society, rather than being labeled as “former addicts.” This communal atmosphere cultivates inner calm, reduces anxiety, and fosters motivation for self-improvement. One participant, Tgk. Andi, stated, “When I join the Rateb, my heart feels more at peace. It feels as though there is strength to resist the temptation of drugs because I feel Allah is always with us.” In the researcher’s interview with Tgk. Majid, a local religious scholar, he emphasized that Rateb Siribee aligns closely with Islamic teachings and plays an important role in the spiritual development of the community. The collective dhikr practiced within it serves as an effective form of psychological therapy that nurtures inner tranquility and helps individuals restrain themselves from deviant behaviors such as drug use. Furthermore, based on an interview with Tgk. Pon, a community member, the involvement of former addicts in Rateb Siribee is perceived to have positive impacts enhancing devotion in worship, strengthening social ties, and fostering optimism that recovery is truly attainable.

The implementation of Rateb Siribee in Aceh follows a structured sequence of procedures, reflecting the balance between spiritual and social dimensions that characterizes Acehnese religious life. The practice is typically carried out under the guidance of the Majelis Pengkajian Tauhid Tasawuf (MPTT-I), led by Abuya Syekh H. Amran Wali. Within the context of rehabilitation, Rateb Siribee serves as a space for spiritual healing for individuals seeking self-improvement, including former drug addicts in search of inner peace and moral support [35]. In the preparatory stage, participants are instructed to purify themselves physically and spiritually. They perform ablution, set their intentions, and listen to guidance from the majelis instructor regarding the procedures and spiritual meaning of the dhikr to be performed. Several religious figures emphasize that spiritual readiness is essential for the dhikr to truly affect the heart and mind [36]. A former addict, Tgk. Andi, who regularly attends the practice, stated, “Before the dhikr begins, we are asked to set our intentions sincerely. Abuya always says that if we want to heal, our intention must be right. I feel that strength to change comes from that intention.”

At the beginning of the ritual, the congregation recites together the verse “fa‘lam annahu lā ilāha illallāh” (Qur’an, Muhammad: 19), meaning “So know that there is no god but Allah.” This verse is recited before the main dhikr as an introduction to cultivating awareness of divine oneness (tawḥīd) [37]. In Sufi understanding, the verse carries profound meaning, indicating that true dhikr is not merely the utterance of divine remembrance but also a process of knowing and recognizing the oneness of Allah. This concept is widely known among practitioners as “afdhalu al-dhikri fa‘lam annahu lā ilāha illallāh” the notion that the most superior form of dhikr is knowing that there is no god but Allah [38].

The recitation of these verses serves to reaffirm the meaning of the dhikr that follows. Thus, every utterance of lā ilāha illallāh is not merely a verbal repetition but a declaration of faith and an inner spiritual awareness firmly embedded in the heart. For former drug addicts, internalizing the meaning of this verse becomes a moment of self-realization that genuine recovery begins when the heart recognizes and remembers Allah. After the recitation of the verse, the session continues with shalawat upon the Prophet as a transition toward the main dhikr. The dhikr lā ilāha illallāh is then recited collectively, led by a mursyid in a strong and rhythmic cadence. The atmosphere of the gathering becomes deeply solemn; the reverberation of the dhikr fills the room, generating emotional resonance and profound inner calm. Many participants, including former addicts, are moved to tears during the recitation. One informant, Tgk. Wek, expressed, “When the dhikr begins, my heart trembles. Every utterance of lā ilāha illallāh feels as though it is cleansing the sins that have accumulated.”

In addition to the main dhikr, several Qur’anic surahs such as Al-Fatihah, Al-Ikhlāṣ, Al-Falaq, and An-Nās are also recited as supplications for protection (ta‘awwudz) and blessings (tabarruk). These recitations are believed to possess spiritual power to calm the heart and shield participants from negative influences. For former drug addicts, the recitation of these verses cultivates a renewed conviction that Allah is the ultimate source of strength capable of guiding them out of the darkness of their past[39].

The implementation of Rateb Siribee also includes a short tausiyah delivered by an ulama, or spiritual guide. The content typically centers on the meaning of repentance, the importance of avoiding sinful acts, and encouragement to strengthen one’s faith. The message is conveyed in gentle and soothing language never judgmental, but aimed at awakening spiritual awareness. This approach allows former drug addicts to feel respected and accepted as individuals who are sincerely striving to reform themselves. According to Tgk. Yuli, one of the local religious leaders, “We do not reprimand them harshly. They have already suffered enough. What we do is simply remind them that Allah is Most Forgiving, and that the gate of repentance is always open.”

After the chanting concludes, the session ends with a collective supplication led by the mursyid or the presiding ulama. The prayer contains requests for forgiveness, strength to remain steadfast, and protection from the temptation of narcotics. This moment is often emotional and solemn. Many participants greet and embrace one another as a symbol of acceptance and mutual moral support. One participant, Tgk. Wek, expressed, “During the closing prayer, I felt as if I were forgiven. When the congregation shook my hand, it felt like the burdens of my past were lifted.”

The activities of Rateb Siribee do not end with the ritual itself. There are continuous follow-up programs carried out on a regular basis, such as weekly religious study sessions, ethical guidance, and social activities [39]. These initiatives aim to ensure that former drug addicts do not return to high-risk environments and that they remain engaged in consistent, positive activities. As explained by Tgk. Khairuddin, one of the instructors (khalifah): “Rateb is not just one night of dhikr. After that, we monitor them and invite them to join community service or study circles. This is to ensure they stay on the right path and do not return to their old world.” These follow-up activities strengthen the process of social reintegration, allowing former addicts to reconnect with the community without stigma. The congregation and local residents generally provide positive support, viewing their participation as a clear sign of personal transformation. The sense of togetherness created within the majelis allows participants to feel that they have gained a new spiritual family who continually encourages them to remain steadfast in their recovery journey.

Thus, the implementation of Rateb Siribee in Aceh is not merely a religious ritual but a holistic form of spiritual and social therapy. Each stage—from internal preparation and the collective performance of dhikr to the ongoing guidance that follows—produces therapeutic effects that help participants develop self-awareness, emotional serenity, and social confidence [40]. This tradition successfully integrates religious values with the rehabilitative needs of modern individuals, making it a contextual model of spiritual development for Acehnese society.

Based on the analysis of multiple interviews conducted during the research, it was found that former drug addicts interpret the Rateb Siribee tradition in diverse ways [41]. These meanings extend beyond spiritual aspects and also encompass interconnected psychological and social dimensions. Through the various experiences they described, it becomes evident that Rateb Siribee serves as a space of recovery that touches multiple layers of their lives from religious awareness and inner tranquility to acceptance within their social environment [42].

For the Acehnese community, Rateb Siribee is not merely a ritual of remembrance (dhikr), but a spiritual space that revives values of solidarity, sincerity, and repentance. In the context of rehabilitating former drug users, this tradition holds even deeper significance because it functions as a means of spiritual healing as well as a medium for social reintegration. Through the integration of religious values and local cultural identity, Rateb Siribee demonstrates that religious practices can play a central role in the recovery process of individuals from moral and social decline [43]. Therefore, the researcher categorizes the findings from the interviews into three principal forms of meaning: spiritual meaning, psychological meaning, and social meaning.

a. Spiritual Meaning

BBased on the interviews, spiritual meaning emerged as the most dominant aspect in the participants’ experiences. For former drug users, Rateb Siribee serves as a medium to reconnect with Allah SWT and to restore the inner bond that had weakened due to their past behaviors. The repetitive recitation of dzikr cultivates tranquility and awakens a renewed awareness of the meaning of life. Tgk. Wek explained, “Before joining Rateb, my heart was always restless. But after participating in the dzikr, I feel calm, as if Allah still wants to accept me.” This statement reflects a spiritual experience marked by inner peace and the belief in God’s mercy. Similarly, Tgk. Andi stated, “Every time I recite lā ilāha illallāh, I feel as though I am washing away my past sins.” His words illustrate a process of self-purification (tazkiyatun nafs) and spiritual renewal (tajdīd al-īmān) achieved through consistent dzikr. Meanwhile, Tgk. Ismail interpreted dzikr not merely as utterances of the tongue but as an exercise in bringing the presence of Allah into the heart. He said, “When the heart knows Allah, life feels lighter.” A similar view was conveyed by Tgk. Fadli, who felt as though he was “reborn” after regularly participating in the practice. Tgk. Murdani added that engaging in collective dzikr strengthened him in facing temptations.

These findings are not only experienced by former drug addicts. Based on an interview with Tgk. Ramadhan, the commander of the MPTT-I Rateb Siribee chapter in Meulaboh, many intellectuals, professionals, and even community leaders also participate in this practice. They acknowledge that true happiness emerges when the heart is filled with remembrance (dhikr) and love for Allah. This indicates that the spiritual power of Rateb Siribee is universal its impact is not limited to individuals undergoing rehabilitation, but it also serves as a space for inner serenity for anyone seeking spiritual tranquility.

Taken together, these accounts demonstrate that Rateb Siribee functions as a medium of spiritual awakening that cultivates peace, hope, and closeness to Allah [44]. In the context of Sufism, such experiences are aligned with the concept of muraqabah a continuous awareness of God's presence that guides individuals toward purification of the heart and inner tranquility.

b. Psychological Meaning

In the psychological dimension, the informants interpret Rateb Siribee as a medium for calming the mind and stabilizing emotions after emerging from periods of addiction. Tgk. Faisal stated, “When I first joined Rateb, my mind was still chaotic. But after attending several times, my heart became calm. Whenever I feel anxious, I remember Allah through that dhikr.” For him, the practice helps reduce stress and anxiety by cultivating an inner peace that was previously difficult to attain. A similar sentiment was expressed by Tgk. Jamaluddin, who experienced a significant change in emotional regulation. He explained, “I used to get angry easily, but after joining Rateb, I became more patient. The dhikr feels like medicine that soothes the mind.” The collective dhikr creates a stable emotional atmosphere and fosters self-awareness to manage emotions more positively [45]. Meanwhile, Tgk. Wahyu views Rateb Siribee as a space for building self-confidence and a renewed sense of purpose. He said, “I used to feel inferior because of my past, but in this gathering, I feel accepted.” For many participants, the activity not only provides calmness but also strengthens mental resilience and motivation to continue changing their lives. These findings align with the theory of religious coping, which explains that involvement in religious practices can serve as a psychological healing mechanism by reinforcing spiritual meaning and fostering optimism toward life [44].

c. Social Meaning

In the social dimension, Rateb Siribee is understood as a space for acceptance and social reconnection for former drug addicts. Prior to actively participating in this activity, several informants admitted that they felt avoided by the community. However, after regularly attending the communal dhikr gatherings, they gradually began to be accepted again. Tgk. Marwan stated, “In the past, people in the village were still doubtful about me, but after joining Rateb every week, they started greeting me and talking to me again.” This testimony indicates the emergence of a social acceptance process that restores the relationship between the individual and the surrounding community [46]. In addition, the atmosphere of togetherness in the dhikr assembly creates strong social bonds among the participants. According to Tgk. Marwan, “In Rateb, we sit side by side and perform dhikr together; no one is treated differently.” This mutual respect becomes an essential foundation for the social reintegration of former addicts into their communities[47]. Meanwhile, Tgk. Ibrahim explained that participating in Rateb Siribee also helped improve family relationships. He shared, “After joining Rateb, I became more active in helping the community, and my relationship with my parents also improved [48],[49],[50],[51].” These experiences demonstrate that Rateb Siribee is not merely a religious ritual but also a means of strengthening social trust and rebuilding harmonious relationships among participants, their families, and the wider community [41]. Thus, this practice serves as a social medium that supports inclusive and sustainable social reintegration.

The findings of this study intersect with several previous works. Research by [43] and [39] demonstrates that dhikr can reduce anxiety levels and enhance emotional stability, which aligns with the experiences of Rateb Siribee participants. The study by [41] on Sufi-based rehabilitation further affirms that spiritual strengthening can build resilience in facing the temptation of relapse. Meanwhile, research focusing on community-based rehabilitation highlights that feeling accepted and not being stigmatized is a key factor in successful recovery. Thus, this study reinforces earlier findings while offering a new contribution by showing how an Acehnese local practice Rateb Siribee integrates spiritual, psychological, and social dimensions simultaneously within a single tradition.

The findings of this study indicate that the Rateb Siribee tradition plays a significant role as a model of spiritual rehabilitation for former drug addicts in Aceh. Through the regular practice of dhikr, participants experience a renewed sense of divine consciousness and inner peace, in line with the meaning of QS. Ar-Ra’d: 28 regarding tranquility attained through remembrance of Allah. This process helps them reorganize themselves, strengthen their intention to change, and cope with the emotional turbulence that often arises after addiction. In practice, Rateb Siribee also fosters a warm and nonjudgmental communal atmosphere, enabling participants to feel accepted as part of the community.

Overall, this tradition offers a holistic recovery process that simultaneously encompasses spiritual, psychological, and social dimensions. Its presence not only complements existing medical and psychological approaches but also provides a rehabilitation framework that aligns more closely with the cultural and religious values of Acehnese society. These findings affirm that local religious practices such as Rateb Siribee have the potential to serve as more humanistic and contextually relevant rehabilitation alternatives, particularly for communities with strong connections to spiritual traditions.

This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the field data were collected within a relatively short period, which prevented a comprehensive observation of long-term changes in the recovery process. Second, the number of primary informants was limited to six former drug users, meaning that a broader range of experiences may not be fully represented. Third, this study did not conduct a direct comparison with other rehabilitation models whether medical or spiritual so the effectiveness of Rateb Siribee cannot yet be situated within a wider comparative context.

Future research is recommended to employ a longitudinal design to capture the spiritual, psychological, and social changes that occur over a longer period. Comparative studies between Rateb Siribee and other rehabilitation models such as Sufi counseling, dhikr therapy from other Sufi orders, or institutional rehabilitation programs are also necessary to generate a more comprehensive mapping of effectiveness. Subsequent studies may also broaden the range of informants by involving families, village leaders, MPTT-I instructors, and formal rehabilitation practitioners to produce a more diverse and holistic perspective.

Muhammad Wildan Nafis: Conceptualization, Methodology, Writing – review & editing, Supervision, Project administration. Nurullah: Methodology, Writing – review & editing, Investigation.

The authors would like to express their sincere gratitude to UIN Ar-Raniry for its institutional support. They also thank the two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and constructive suggestions, which greatly improved the quality of this paper.

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

This research did not receive any financial support.