The rewang tradition is a form of social practice typical of the Javanese people that emphasizes the importance of togetherness, cooperation, and solidarity in community life, which is manifested in the Javanese people in the form of rewang or nyinom in neighbors' celebrations (Source not found, n.d.). At the level of praxis, rewang is not only in the form of joint work activities ahead of weddings, circumcision, or other traditional ceremonies. It also contains a broader cultural meaning: it reflects a sense of social attachment, tolerance, and togetherness across families and communities. More than just a physical contribution, rewang can be read as an arena of social identity construction where individuals feel recognized as part of a group. The perspective of social psychology shows that this kind of collective bonding is closely related to psychological well-being. Strong social identification has been shown to improve mental well-being and lower the risk of depression and anxiety (Saat et al., 2025), as a sense of community can serve as a buffer against negative emotional stress (Source not found, n.d.). Thus, the rewang tradition not only plays a role in maintaining cultural sustainability but also makes a real contribution to the welfare of individuals in their communities.

However, in contemporary Javanese society, the values contained in the rewang tradition face severe pressure due to modernization, urbanization, and the strengthening of individualistic values, especially in the younger generation. Daku & Setyawan, (2025) reinforce this assumption that communal values are now facing the influence of globalization. Nonetheless, rewang remains a valued practice for strengthening social ties and preserving traditions in an ever-evolving context.

This shift raises a critical question: what is lost when collective traditions such as rewang are eroded by more individualistic patterns of relation? Several previous studies have observed this phenomenon. For example, (Putri et al., 2023) highlight how modernization drives a shift in meaning and participation in the rewang tradition. (Humaedi et al., 2025) found that the younger generation prioritized efficiency and independence over collective attachment. Meanwhile, (Khoirunnisak et al., 2024) shows that Generation Z interprets rewang symbolically through social media representation rather than direct involvement. This condition causes cultural and psychosocial excesses: weakening of collective participation, erosion of the value of cooperation, and inhibition of cross-generational knowledge transfer. In other words, this shift in values reflects cultural dynamics. It shows the transformation of collectivism from a normative to a reflective form, which challenges the sustainability of social solidarity mechanisms while opening up new spaces for individual agency in contemporary Javanese society.

Previous research has underlined the various dimensions of rewang. (Budiono, 2017) emphasized the importance of women's role in maintaining the sustainability of tradition through their active involvement. (Sekarini et al., 2023) identifies a shift in the meaning of cooperation in urban society, which is now more often replaced by catering services or professionals. (Winarsih, 2023) emphasized that despite the emotional bond, the intensity of the young generation's involvement remains lower than that of the previous generation. (Khoirunnisak et al., 2024) added that the younger generation celebrates rewang more in a symbolic form in the digital space than in a real practice.Meanwhile, (Sihombing & Perangin-Angin, 2023) underlined the importance of cross-generational communication to bridge differences in cultural values in a pluralistic Indonesian society. These findings are important, but most studies still look at rewang from a gender, urbanization, or symbolic representation perspective. Studies that explicitly link the rewang tradition to the framework of cultural psychology, especially cross-generational collectivism, are still minimal. This situation is where the research gap that we want to fill lies: how to understand the transformation of collective values in rewang when read from a cross-generational perspective, especially between Baby Boomers and Generation Z.

Differences in value orientation between generations have been widely confirmed in the literature. The Baby Boomer generation (1946–1964) generally views rewang as a social obligation and a form of respect for cultural values, while Generation Z (born after 1995) often considers rewang as a burden or activity that can be replaced by professional services (Putri et al., 2023). It shows that generational differences form different constructions of meaning over collective identities. However, cross-generational research related to rewang has stopped chiefly at the description of the phenomenon, not utilizing an adequate theoretical framework to explain how these differences work on a psychological and cultural level, especially the perception between the Baby Boomer Generation and Generation Z.

This condition is where the relevance of Cultural Psychology needs to be emphasized. Conceptually, Cultural Psychology can be understood as studying how culture shapes individual behaviors, attitudes, and identities and how individuals reproduce culture daily. One of the main approaches in Cultural Psychology is collectivism. (Source not found, n.d.) explains collectivism as a value orientation that places groups as the reference center of individual identity. Collectivism has six dimensions: self-constructive, normative behavior, ingroup loyalty, prioritizing group goals, harmony and conflict avoidance, and obligation and duty. This dimension is not only an abstract concept, but can be used as an analytical tool to understand how social practices such as rewang are lived, interpreted, or abandoned. For example, Baby Boomers still see the obligation to be present in the rewang as a form of obligation and duty. However, Generation Z views it as an individual choice that can be negotiated. These debates show how the theory of Triandish collectivism can be used as a conceptual framework for examining cross-generational dynamics.

At least three reasons drive the importance of connecting the rewang tradition with Triandis collectivism. First, the relevance of this framework for more in-depth analysis at the psychological and behavioral level, not just the cultural one. Second, it provides a systematic foothold to test whether the shift in the meaning of rewang aligns with the transformation of collective values towards individualism. Third, this theory expands cross-generational discussions from mere social phenomena to conceptual analyses that can contribute to developing cultural psychology theories in the Indonesian context. Thus, this study reports that different generations interpret rewang and highlights how these differences work in collectivism.

The urgency of this research does not only lie in the issue of cultural preservation. Given that every value system (collectivism and individualism) has advantages and disadvantages, what is at stake is not just the "loss of tradition" but the loss of the social functions that support the psychological well-being of individuals. If collectivism weakens, there is a risk of declining social solidarity, weakening of emotional support networks, and increasing isolation of individuals. On the other hand, if individualism is too dominant, the younger generation may gain greater autonomy, but at a high price: reduced social attachment, which has been the strength of Javanese society. Differences in perspective between generations, if not bridged, also have the potential to widen social distance and weaken cross-generational value transfer. This issue is why cross-generational research on rewang is urgent academically and socially.

Based on this description, this study aims to explore how the Baby Boomer Generation and Generation Z interpret the rewang tradition in Javanese society by using the six dimensions of Triandist collectivism as an analysis tool, and reveal how these differences in meaning shape the discourse contestation between normative obligations and reflective flexibility in cultural practices. This research does not depart from the assumption of absolute differences between generations, but from the open question: how is the meaning of the Rewang tradition constructed, maintained, or transformed by two generations in the context of changing cultural values? Thus, this research offers novelty in two ways: (1) linking the phenomenon of rewang with a more operational framework of cultural psychology, and (2) providing a cross-generational analysis that can explain the dynamics of collectivism in contemporary Javanese society.

This qualitative study is based on a critical paradigm using Foucauldian Discourse Analysis (FDA) to examine how the rewang tradition is interpreted across generations (Source not found, n.d.). This paradigm places social reality as a discursive construct shaped through language, practice, and power relations (Foucault & Foucault, 2012). With this framework, rewang is understood not just as a cultural practice, but as a subject production arena in which Baby Boomers and Generation Z are negotiated as social actors with different positions within the collective structure.

To enrich the analysis, the FDA combines (Singelis et al., 1995) collectivism framework, which offers six main dimensions: self-constructive, normative behavior, ingroup loyalty, prioritizing group goals, harmony and conflict avoidance, and obligation and duty. This dimension is used as an analytical lens to identify how the discourse about rewang is maintained, contested, or transformed across generations. Thus, this study not only reveals the discursive dynamics of rewang but also shows how the value of collectivism is reconfigured in contemporary Javanese society.

The data collection technique consists of focus group discussions (FGD), open questionnaires, and digital content analysis. The diversity of these techniques is not just variation, but rather a conceptual foothold to obtain a richer picture: FGDs to capture the collective experiences of older generations, open-ended questionnaires to record the diversity of opinions of younger generations, and digital data to track cultural representations circulating in online public spaces.

The research participants consisted of two groups of generations that were selected purposively. The first group comprises three women from the Baby Boomer Generation (born 1946-1964) with first-hand experience in rewang activities in their environment. The second group is 20 individuals from Generation Z (born after 1995), with diverse exposure backgrounds: 12 have been directly involved in rewang activities, while the other eight only know rewang through digital representation and social environments. This difference does cause a mismatch of criteria, because the experience of Baby Boomers tends to be factual, while the experience of some Generation Z is more representational. However, this inequality is part of the research findings: it shows that rewang is lived directly and mediated by digital media in contemporary society. Thus, these differences in criteria are seen as a reflection of social reality, not as a methodological bias.

To clarify the basis for selecting participants, the researcher established three indicators: (1) the level of involvement (directly or indirectly in rewang activities), (2) the level of knowledge about the rewang tradition (through experience or digital media), and (3) readiness to express views openly. This indicator ensures that participants have a connection to the Javanese cultural context and a reflective capacity to convey their experiences and perceptions.

Data collection is carried out through three channels. First, the FGD involved three participants of the Baby Boomer Generation based on the recommendations of the chairman of the Neighborhood Circle (RT) and the chairman of the Family Empowerment and Welfare (PKK) at the local level. The FGD was held face-to-face at the local community hall for about 60 minutes. The researcher acts as a moderator, accompanied by a note-taker who also ensures that the flow of the discussion is maintained. The FGD guide is prepared based on six aspects of Triandis collectivism (1995;2018), with questions that lead to: personal experiences when engaging in rewang (self-constructal), perceived social norms (normative behavior), group loyalty (ingroup loyalty), prioritizing group goals, how to avoid conflict (harmony and conflict avoidance), and obligations and duties. The discussion was recorded with the participants' permission, then transcribed verbatim for analysis.

Second, an open-ended questionnaire was used for Generation Z. Before filling out, participants watched a short film titled Rewang (directed by Fildzah Rahmatina, 2022) as a contextual stimulus. This film was chosen because it narratively visualizes the practice of rewang, thus helping participants—especially those who have never been directly involved—to reflect on their views more concretely. The questions in the questionnaire are open-ended and designed to explore participants' personal attitudes, experiences, and interpretations of the relevance of the rewang tradition in modern life.

Third, digital content analysis is carried out on the representation of rewang in online public spaces. The data sources include one documentary titled Budaya Rewang – Rumaysho TV on YouTube (7,494 viewers, 32 comments), as well as five TikTok content tagged #rewang, #tradisirewang, #jawa, and #budayajawa. Each TikTok video was selected through a hashtag-based

The analysis was carried out using Foucauldian Discourse Analysis (FDA) as explained by Willig (2013). This approach views data as a collection of statements and a discursive practice that shapes the subject's position. The initial analysis stage was done by re-reading interview transcripts, questionnaire answers, and social media comments to gain contextual understanding. After that, the researcher traces the language patterns, provides code (Miles et al., 2014), and uncovers different discourses about rewang, from those emphasizing loyalty and collective obligation to opening up space for individual flexibility and agency. The data presented is not intended as an objective universal representation, but rather as an illustration that confirms how Baby Boomers and Generation Z are constructeddifferentlywithinadiscursiveframework. Thevalidityofthisresearchrestsontheresonance of the findings with the social reality of Javanese society and its contribution to the development of cultural psychology studies, especially related to the dynamics of collectivism across generations.

The credibility of this study uses a thick description strategy—providing a rich description of the participants' social and cultural contexts—so that the reader can assess the transferability of the findings to other contexts. Validity is maintained by comparing data from different sources (FGDs, questionnaires, and digital content), not in a rigid triangulation framework, but in expanding the spectrum of experiences and perceptions captured. The authenticity of the data is guaranteed through recording, verbatim transcription, and transparent analysis. In addition, this study confirms that data obtained from Generation Z participants who were only digitally exposed to rewang were not treated on the same level as the factual experiences of Baby Boomers, but were analyzed as a spectrum of different experiences that are equally important for understanding cultural dynamics in contemporary society.

The first group explored through interviews was the Baby Boomer generation, which consisted of three women directly involved in rewang in their environment, making these activities an integral part of their social identity (Table 1).

This study finds four main discourse themes from across generations and sources. First, rewang as an arena of connectivity and social identity affirms its role in strengthening collective solidarity and transmitting values across generations. Second, social norms and role-sharing: from regulation to negotiation, which shows a shift from take-for-granted compliance to a reflective interpretation of gender rules and social roles. Third, moral obligation versus flexibility reveals the transformation of collective obligation into a space for individual negotiation. Fourth, harmony and conflict avoidance: solidarity in negotiations shows different generational strategies in maintaining social cohesion. The results of this analysis can be seen in Table 2.

This article examines four interrelated discourses in constructing rewang in contemporary Javanese society: social connectedness and identity, gender norms, moral obligations, and harmony. These four discourses are negotiated differently across generations: for the Baby Boomer Generation, rewang is attached to a collective moral framework that unites identity with community obligations, while for Generation Z, it is rearticulated through a language of choice, flexibility, and more pragmatic harmony.

We argue that this generational contrast cannot be reduced simply to a diminution of collectivism. Instead, it transforms from normative collectivism, characterized by unquestioned obligations and rigid gender expectations, to reflective collectivism, in which participation is mediated by individual agency, negotiation, and digital representation. In other words, rewang shifts from a discourse of hegemonic obligations to a discourse of negotiated togetherness—remaining related to community identity, but increasingly responsive to modern lifestyles and contemporary socio-cultural pressures.

The implications of this analysis on the sustainability of Javanese culture are at least three things. First, cultural continuity can no longer be assumed as an automatic transmission between generations; they demanded that the reframing of traditions, such as rewang, become a more flexible and inclusive practice to suit the identity and agency of the younger generation. Second, the study of collectivism in Indonesia needs to repoliticize the analysis of everyday practices by showing how patriarchal structures, normative sanctions, and digital mediation shape who participates, how, and with what limits. This approach shifts the study of rewang from folkloric descriptions to critical engagement with power, identity, and agency issues. Third, efforts to maintain community solidarity should consider reflective collectivism as a resource because the younger generation does not reject togetherness, but seeks to live it in a way that aligns with personal aspirations, gender equality, and digital culture.

This research contributes to a broader debate on sustainability and cultural transformation in contemporary Indonesia by offering a cross-generational discourse analysis. Rewang remains an arena of subjectivation that reproduces the individual as a collective subject; However, the discourse's logic underpinning subjectivity is now increasingly diverse. Understanding this shift is important to preserve cultural practices and sustain communities' psychosocial well-being amid modernizatio