Contribution of Acehnese Scholars to The Development of Quranic Exegesis in Indonesia: A Study of Tengku Muhammad Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy and His Work “ Tafsir An-Nuur ”

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Introduction
Tengku Muhammad Hasbi ash-Shiddieqy was a scholar hailing from Aceh, endowed with expertise in jurisprudence, principles of jurisprudence, Quranic exegesis (Tafsir), Hadith, and theological studies.[1] Given his proficiency, it is no surprise that he was recognized as a prolific academic writer in Indonesia, contributing numerous books on Islamic thought.[2] His body of work, encompassing books and articles, spans various fields, including Quranic exegesis and sciences, Hadith, jurisprudence, theology/kalam, and others.One of his significant contributions to the field of exegesis is the work titled Tafsir an-Nuur, whose full name is Tafsir al-Qur'anul Majid an-Nuur.[1] In addition to his active engagement in academia, Hasbi was known as a figure with modern reformist ideas in Indonesia, often critiquing traditional religious practices carried out by Indonesian Muslims with a "traditionalist" approach.[3] This influence stemmed from the thoughts of Sheikh Muhammad ibn Salim al-Kalali, an Arab reformist residing in Lhokseumawe, whose ideas were further developed by Hasbi after pursuing education at the Madrasah al-Irsyad Surabaya.[1] This educational background led him to believe that Islamic law in Indonesia necessitated novel considerations, extending beyond the mere implementation of Middle Eastern jurisprudential thoughts.[4] Consequently, the concept of "Indonesian fiqh" emerged, a concept he developed based on his deep exploration of classical Arabic texts and the writings of modern reformists from the Middle East.[5] However, his ideas received little attention from Indonesian intellectuals during that period.[6] This article endeavors to discuss ash-Shiddieqy and his work Tafsir an-Nuur.The choice of Tafsir an-Nuur for this study is due to its status as Hasbi's magnum opus, offering a comprehensive interpretation of the entire 30 juz of the Qur'ān.Through this article, readers are expected to gain further insights, particularly about Hasbi and his exegesis, as well as a general understanding of the development of Islamic scholarship in Indonesia.This involves the researcher visiting the data sources and presenting the information as it is.Following the descriptive phase, the research employs the "Content Analysis" method, where the researcher deeply analyzes the existing data.The analytical findings are presented by carefully scrutinizing opinions surrounding the core discussion.Additionally, to ensure a comprehensive understanding in composing this work, data collection involves examining supporting (secondary) data sources related to the research topic.This is intended to acquire thorough information and determine conclusions, marking a crucial step in the scholarly endeavor.

Biography of T.M. Hasbi ash-Shiddieqy
T.M. Hasbi ash-Shiddieqy was a Muslim scholar born in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, now known as Aceh, specifically in Lhokseumawe, North Aceh Regency, on March 10, 1904.[1], [7], [8] Hasbi was born into a religious family.His father, Teungku Muhammad Husayn bin Muhammad Su'ud, held the position of chief judge in Lhokseumawe.His mother, Teungku Amra, was a niece of Teungku Cik di Awe Geutah, an ulama who actively participated in the resistance against the Dutch colonial forces.[1], [7], [9] Genealogically, Hasbi was closely connected to Abu Bakr as-Siddiq.This lineage is traced back to his father, the 36th descendant of Abu Bakr as-Siddiq, consequently making Hasbi the 37th descendant in that same lineage.This genealogical foundation led to the inclusion of "ash-Shiddieqy" as part of his name, resulting in the full name Tengku Muhammad Hasbi ash-Shiddieqy.[1], [10] Hasbi's lineage can be delineated as follows: Abu Bakar ash-Shiddiq.[8], [11] During his childhood, he was nurtured in a religious environment by both his father and mother.However, at the age of 6, his mother passed away, and he was subsequently cared for by Tengku Syamsiah, his maternal aunt, who did not have male children of her own.[7], [8], [12] After being under her care for two years, Tengku Syamsiah also passed away, and then Hasbi lived with his elder brother.During his time with his brother, he often slept in the "meunasah" (prayer hall) and engaged in "meudangan"(spiritual learning) in various of "pondok pesantren" (Islamic educational institutions) in Aceh.[7], [8], [11] While building his family, at the age of 19, Hasbi entered into matrimony with Siti Khadijah, who was still closely related to him.However, tragedy struck when his wife died after giving birth to their first child.Subsequently, he remarried Teungku Nyak Asiyah, daughter of Teungku Haji Hanum, who was also a relative on his maternal side.This connection was because Teungku Haji Hanum was the maternal uncle of Hasbi.From this marriage, he was blessed with four children: two sons and two daughters.[7], [13], [14] His four children are Zuharah, Anisatul Fuad, Nourouzzaman, and Zakiyatul Fuad.[8] During his youth, Hasbi was known as an avid reader.He spent considerable time engrossed in reading in his room and the library.His interest in reading extended beyond Arabic and Malay literature; he read books in languages other than Arabic and Malay, including books in Dutch.He was an indiscriminate learner, evident in his pursuit of Arabic language learning from his friend Teungku Muhammad and Dutch language learning from a Dutch individual who sought to learn Arabic from him during his time in Kutaraja.[7] In education, his father was a pivotal figure in his upbringing.He received foundational religious education from his father during his childhood, including disciplines such as Quranic recitation and Tajweed.His father sent him to Islamic boarding schools known as "dayah" in Aceh to further his knowledge.This action reflected his father's aspiration for Hasbi to become a scholar (ulama).[9] In his pursuit of religious knowledge through various "dayahs," Hasbi was documented to have studied several of them.Around 1912, he studied at Dayah Teungku Cik in Piyeung, focusing on Arabic language learning, particularly the disciplines of Nahwu (grammar) and Sharaf (morphology).After a year of Arabic language learning there, he transferred to Dayah Teungku Cik in Bluk Bayu.He furthered his studies at Dayah Blang Kabu and continued his education at Blang Manyak and Kurok.In 1919, he pursued his studies at Dayah Teungku Cik Idris in Tanjungan Barat.By 1918, he moved to Dayah Teungku Cik Hasan in Kruengkale, where he continued his education until 1920 and officially received his certification the following year.[1], [7]- [9] Upon completing his education in Kruengkale, Hasbi then encountered one of the members of the Islamic reformist movement residing in Lhokseumawe, namely Sheikh Muhammad ibn Salim al-Kalali.Under his guidance, Hasbi acquired a wealth of knowledge, leading him to be advised to continue his education at Madrasah al-Irsyad in Surabaya.[7], [13] Thus, around 1926, he departed for Surabaya and commenced his studies at Madrasah al-Irsyad.During his tenure at Madrasah al-Irsyad, he deepened his understanding of the Arabic language and various other Islamic disciplines, ultimately graduating with honors in 1927.[1], [9] Following his studies at Madrasah al-Irsyad, Hasbi's scholarly pursuits continued through extensive reading and self-directed learning, resulting in numerous contributions in articles and books.As a testament to his contributions, he was awarded two Doctor Honoris Causa titles, the first by the Bandung Islamic University (Unisba) on March 22, 1975, and the second by the State Islamic Institute Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta on October 29, 1975.[1], [12], [14] Additionally, he received the title of professor in Hadith studies, [1] although he also taught jurisprudence and principles of jurisprudence.His inaugural professorial address was titled "Islamic Law Responding to Challenges".[7] In addition to his teaching activities beyond Aceh, Hasbi is noted for establishing the madrasah in Buloh Beureughang in 1924.This educational institution received support from Teungku Raja Itam Uleebalang.However, due to his pursuit of education at Madrasah al-Irsyad Surabaya, the madrasah was dissolved after two years of operation.Upon completing his studies at Madrasah al-Irsyad, Hasbi and his mentor established Madrasah al-Irsyad in Lhokseumawe, following the same curriculum as Madrasah al-Irsyad Surabaya.He also established madrasah al-Huda in Krueng Mane, approximately 20 kilometers from Lhokseumawe, [7] although both madrasahs faced challenges and eventually closed.[8] Besides these contributions, Hasbi played a significant role in education during his tenure in Kuta Raja.He was an educator and mentor at Ma'had Imanul Mukhlis (MIM) in Lampaku, an instructor at Muhammadiyah's HIS and MULO schools, and more.[7], [8] Furthermore, he taught at PTAIN Yokyakarta, which later became IAIN Sunan Kalijaga in 1960, where he served as the dean of the Faculty of Sharia for 12 years until 1972.During this period, he also served as the dean of the Faculty of Sharia at Darussalam Aceh from 1960 to 1962.After these commitments, his career advanced further, leading him to positions such as Deputy Rector III and dean of the Faculty of Sharia from 1963 to 1966, teaching at various private universities, instructing at the Islamic University of Indonesia (UII) from 1964, serving as an instructor and dean of the Faculty of Sharia at Sultan Agung Islamic University (Unnissula) in Semarang from 1967 to 1975, being appointed as rector of Madrasah al-Irsyad University Surakarta, and serving as rector at Cokroaminoto University from 1961 to 1971.[8], [11] In addition to his role as an academician, Hasbi was also prominently engaged in societal affairs.He was notably active as a member or leader of various Islamic organizations, including "Menjadi Satoe," "Jong Islamiten Bond," and "Nadil Islahil Islami Muhammadiyah."Moreover, his involvement extended to politics, evident through his affiliation with the Masyumi party (Majelis Syura Muslimin Indonesia).He held a position as a representative of Masyumi in the Constituent Assembly.In 1957, he participated in The International Islamic Colloquium organized by the University of the Punjab, held in Lahore, where his intellectual acumen was widely recognized.[8] After embarking on a lengthy journey, as previously elucidated, on December 9, 1975, at the age of 71, Hasbi passed away.This occurred shortly after he had completed a period of quarantine to undertake the Hajj pilgrimage.He was laid to rest at the family cemetery of IAIN Ciputat in Jakarta.The funeral ceremony included an address delivered by Buya Hamka, a renowned scholar and commentator in Indonesia, while the body was laid to rest by Mr. Moehammad Roem, a close friend of Hasbi.[12]

Works of T. M. Hasbi ash-Shiddieqy
Hasbi was a prolific scholar known for his active contributions to writing, encompassing various forms, including articles and books.His initial foray into writing was a booklet titled "Penoetoep Moeloet."Apart from this booklet, he authored numerous articles for magazines such as "al-Ahkam," "Pedoman Islam," and "Panji Islam," focusing on subjects like jurisprudence (fiqh).In addition, Hasbi's written works extended into the realm of books, spanning three major domains: tafsir and ulumul Qur'an (Quranic sciences), Hadith, jurisprudence (fiqh), [8] and theology (tauhid/kalam).

About Tafsir al-Qur'anul Majid an-Nuur
The Tafsir an-Nuur is a significant work authored by Hasbi, with its first edition published in 1952.This work is the first published commentary on the Qur'ān in Indonesia, thus assuming the role of a pioneering exegesis in the realm of Islamic scholarship within the country.This commentary is categorized as accessible to a broad audience, catering to beginners and researchers, rendering it a subject of considerable interest for those engaged in Quranic exegesis.[1] Hasbi dedicated himself to the composition of this commentary between 1952 and 1961, a period interspersed with his teaching commitments and various roles within faculties and other institutions.The Tafsir an-Nuur saw three separate publications from 1956 to 1976.[1] Its inaugural edition was published by CV.Bulan, followed by a second printing in 1965.The final edition, the second edition, was printed in 2000 after Hasbi's demise.In this particular edition, the editorial tasks were undertaken by Nouruzzaman and Fuad Hasbi ash-Shiddieqy, also Hasbi's son.[8]

Background of the Interpretation's Writing
Regarding the background of composing the Tafsir an-Nuur, Hasbi elucidates in the preface of this exegesis the multiple reasons that underlie its writing.The background of writing the Tafsir an-Nuur can be delineated as follows: Firstly, his motivation stemmed from the desire to expand and enrich the development of Islamic culture within Islamic institutions of higher learning in Indonesia.To materialize this goal, he believed it was imperative to foster the translation of both the Qur'ān as Kitabullah and the Sunnah of the Prophet and other Islamic texts.[1] Secondly, the impetus for this work arose from the existence of individuals interested in studying exegesis yet needed to be improved by their lack of proficiency in the Arabic language.Consequently, they could not engage with exegesis texts, predominantly written in Arabic.For those unfamiliar with Arabic, access to the contents of exegesis works remained closed off.Furthermore, Hasbi contends that the exegesis books written by Western scholars lack a guarantee of spiritual purity and alignment with Islamic principles' lofty and pure essence.He posits that these scholars write based solely on knowledge without grounding it in faith.[1] Lastly, the third reason emerges from Hasbi's aspiration to produce an exegesis work in a unified Indonesian language while adhering to esteemed and reliable exegeses, established hadiths, and renowned books of prophetic biography.This approach would facilitate easy comprehension of the meaning of the Qur'ān for Indonesian society, which predominantly needs to improve in Arabic.Simultaneously, it would augment Islamic literature accessible to the Indonesian populace.[1]

Systematic Structure of the Interpretation
In the preface of his exegesis, he expounds that the structure employed in composing the Tafsir an-Nuur adheres to a five-step systematic approach.The fivefold systematic structure of writing the Tafsir an-Nuur is delineated as follows: First, interpreting one verse, two verses, or three verses sequentially according to the order in the Uthmani Mushaf.Second, translating the meaning of the verses into Indonesian using a language choice that is comprehensible and mindful of a meaning that aligns with the intended expression.Third, interpret these verses according to the meaning of the verse.Fourth, elucidating the verses by cross-referencing them with related verses that share thematic relevance enables readers to comprehend verses that resonate with the discussed verse.
Fifth, elucidating the historical context of revelation (asbāb al-nuzūl) if there is authentic information regarding it.[1] These five systematic steps are the methodology he employs while interpreting the verses of the Qur'ān.However, before embarking on the exegesis of Qur'anic verses, Hasbi initially introduces the Sūrat he will elucidate by highlighting several key points about the Sūrat.These include: First, he mentions the name of the Sūrat and its meaning; for instance, the name "al-Baqara" signifies "the cow."Second, he designates whether the Sūrat is Makki (revealed in Mecca) or Madani (revealed in Medina).Third, he expounds the reason behind the Sūrat's appellation.Fourth, he outlines the historical context of the revelation of the Sūrat.Fifth, he delineates the substantive content of the Sūrat.Sixth, he establishes connections and correspondences between the current Sūrat and the preceding one.[1] Subsequently, he proceeds to initiate the exegesis of the verses by the aforementioned systematic writing approach.

Sources of Interpretation
The sources of exegesis constitute a crucial aspect in the composition of a tafsir, as they illuminate the quality of the forthcoming exegesis.The sources utilized by Hasbi in this exegesis, in a general sense, are broadly consistent with those employed by other commentators.These sources encompass verses from the Qur'ān, Hadith, the opinions of Ṣaḥāba, the views of Tābi'īn, and the insights of other exegetes.[1] In addition to these sources, Hasbi, while interpreting certain Quranic verses, integrates insights from systematically organized knowledge, thereby ensuring accessibility to readers, as is evident in his treatment of Quranic verse 164 in QS. al-Baqara.[1] More specifically, the sources used in composing this interpretation of an-Nuur are sourced from the main interpretations, both the bil-ma'sur (text-based) and bil-ra'yi (reason-based) interpretations, as well as other interpretations such as Ibn Kathir's Umdat al-Tafsir, Muhammad Abduh and Muhammad Rashid bin Ali Rida's Tafsir al-Manar, Muhammad Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi's Tafsir Mahasin al-Ta'wil (also known as Tafsir Qasimy), Mustafa al-Maraghi's Tafsir Maraghi, and Muhammad Mahmud Hijazi's Tafsir al-Wadhih.[1] Based on the sources of interpretation that he uses in Tafsir an-Nuur and the way he interprets the verses of the Qur'an, it can be seen that this interpretation leads to ijtima'i.As for the indications that the Tafsir an-Nuur leans more towards ijtima'i (sociocultural interpretation), it can be observed from the background of its writing.The fact that Hasbi authored the tafsir an-Nuur with the aim of addressing social issues underscores its inclination towards sociocultural interpretation.Therefore, through this interpretation, Hasbi endeavors to provide solutions to social problems.
While drawing upon these sources as foundational exegesis data, in the preface of his exegesis, Hasbi asserts that, for guidance in translating Quranic verses into Indonesian, he also consults several other tafsirs, including those by Abu Su'ud, Shiddieqy Hasan Khan, and al-Qasimy.[1] Based on the referenced sources underpinning his interpretative framework, it can be inferred that Tafsir an-Nuur applies a combined interpretation method between the bil-ma'sur (text-based) interpretation method and the bil-ra'yi (reason-based) interpretation method.However, from these two methods, it is clear that Hasbi is more dominant in using the interpretation method of bil-ra'yi (reason-based) in explaining verses from a scientific perspective, cultural or other perspectives.

Interpretive Methodology
Methodologically, scholars categorize the division of exegesis methods into four types.The four methods of exegesis classified by scholars are as follows: Tahlili (Analytical), Ijmali (Concise), Muqaran (Comparative), and Maudhu'i (Thematic).[16], [17] Based on this categorization of methods concerning the method employed in Tafsir an-Nuur, Nasruddin Baidan asserts that this exegesis utilizes the ijmali (Concise) method.[18] This method involves the commentator referencing Quranic verses in the sequence they appear, providing a global explanation of their meanings, discerning the intents within the verses, and articulating them in simple phrases, making them more accessible for comprehension and thereby clarifying their meanings for readers or listeners.[16] The utilization of the ijmali method is evident in the way he succinctly interprets verses, presenting them concisely and compactly.Consequently, this exegesis falls under the category of ijmali exegesis.In interpreting Quranic verses through the ijmali method, Hasbi generally employs several, as outlined below.

Interpretation of the Qur'ān using the Qur'ān
Interpreting the Qur'ān with Quranic verses is an excellent method to understanding the intentions of the Qur'ān, as emphasized directly by the Qur'ān itself (QS.al-Furqān: 33): ." This is because the one who knows the true intentions of the Qur'ān most comprehensively is Allah Himself.
[19], [20] Therefore, commentators consider the method of interpreting the Qur'ān with the Qur'ān as a foundational step in the process of Quranic interpretation.In this regard, Ibn Kathir also asserts in the introduction to his exegesis that interpreting the Qur'ān with the Qur'ān is the finest form of interpretation.[21] This sentiment is also affirmed by Zarkasyi, as the most effective method for comprehending the Qur'ān is through the Qur'ān's explanations.Some verses are initially expressed in a general manner (mujmal) and then clarified in subsequent verses, and so forth.[22]

Interpretation of the Qur'ān using the Statements of the Ṣaḥāba and Tābi'īn
The utilization of statements from the Ṣaḥāba (Prophet's companions) and the Tābi'īn (the followers of Ṣaḥāba) is also a recognized method for interpreting the Qur'ān.This is because the Ṣaḥāba were the finest individuals who lived during the time of the Prophet and received direct explanations of the Qur'ān from him.Similarly, the Tābi'īn are considered the best individuals after the Ṣaḥāba, who received explanations about the interpretation of the Qur'ān from the Ṣaḥāba.[19],[20] In this regard, even the Prophet acknowledged that the statements of the Ṣaḥāba could be used as a reference for understanding the Qur'ān, as seen in the case of Mu'as being dispatched to Yemen, where he stated that he would judge based on the Qur'ān and the Hadith.He would resort to his reasoning if a ruling could not be derived from these sources, and the Prophet approved of this approach.[21] Likewise, the usage of statements from the Tābi'īn is common.When explanations from the Qur'ān, Hadith, or the Ṣaḥāba are unavailable, many scholars resort to the explanations of the Tābi'īn to understand the Qur'ān, such as the views of Mujahid and others.An example of the application of statements from the Ṣaḥāba and Tābi'īn in the Tafsir an-Nuur is evident in the determination of the Makki (Meccan) or Madani (Madinan) status of QS. al-Fātiḥa.Hasbi employs the opinions of the Ibn Abbas (Ṣaḥāba) and the Qatadah (Tābi'īn) to establish that QS. al-Fātiḥa was revealed in Mecca.Additionally, he notes that some scholars assert that QS. al-Fātiḥa was revealed after QS. al-Muddaththir.However, he acknowledges that scholars, like Abu Hurairah, Mujahid, Atha' bin Yasar, and az-Zuhri, argue that QS. al-Fātiḥa was revealed in Madinah.[1] Regarding the differences in opinions about the status of QS. al-Fātiḥa, Hasbi explains that some commentators propose that certain parts of the QS. were revealed in Mecca while others were revealed in Madinah.He adds that commentators like Baghawi, Ibn Kathir, Baidhawi, and most scholars support Ibn Abbas's opinion because the Quranic text itself implies that QS. al-Fātiḥa was revealed in Mecca.[1]

Interpretation of the Qur'ān using the Context of Revelation (Asbāb al-nuzūl)
The reason for revelation (asbāb al-nuzūl) leads to the revelation of one or more verses of the Qur'ān, explaining the legal rulings at the time of the event or circumstance that occurred, including incidents or questions posed to the Prophet.[25] Therefore, the causes for the revelation of Quranic verses, whether due to events or questions, constitute scholars' general understanding of asbāb alnuzūl.Knowledge of these reasons is an effective method of comprehending the meanings of Quranic verses, enabling an unveiling of the veil that conceals the meaning of certain verses, thus facilitating understanding.Scholars unanimously agree that the knowledge of the reason for revelation can only be obtained through authentic narrations, either directly from the Prophet or reliably from the Ṣaḥāba.[26] An exemplar of the reason for revelation explained in the Tafsir an-Nuur pertains to the reason for revelation of QS. al-Naḥl: 106: Hasbi states that the reason for the revelation of this verse is based on the narration of Ibn Jarir from Ibn Abbas.It is reported that the polytheists had captured Ammar ibn Yasir and compelled him to blaspheme and revile the Prophet while praising their idols.Subsequently, Ammar went to the Prophet, and the Prophet asked, "What happened?"Ammar replied, "O Messenger of Allah, I spoke ill of you and praised their idols."Upon hearing this response, the Prophet inquired, "What was your state of heart at that moment?"Ammar replied, "My heart remained steadfast in faith."The Prophet said, "If they force you again, follow their wishes."Consequently, the verse was revealed:

Interpretation of the Qur'ān using Inter-Sūrat Correlation (Munāsaba of Inter-Sūrat)
Munāsaba, or coherence, is a discipline that elucidates the interconnectedness between various expressions within a single verse or between verses in different parts of the Qur'ān or among different chapters.[26] This interconnectedness is rooted in meaning, thus rendering Munāsaba a scholarly field that reveals interrelated meanings among the chapters and verses.[28] Scholars consider the knowledge of Munāsaba crucial, and it is even classified as one of the branches of knowledge that exegetes must master when interpreting the Qur'ān.[23] In his commentary, Hasbi generally elucidates the coherence between the chapters (Sūrats) as he commences interpreting a particular Sūrat.An example of inter-Sūrat coherence mentioned by Hasbi in his commentary is the coherence navigational guidelines for seafarers.[1] Fourthly, the process of water descending from the sky is explained through the precipitation process outlined by scholars.Hasbi details the cycle of evaporation, condensation, cloud formation, and rainfall, elucidating how warm air causes water vapor to evaporate, forming clouds that release rain when reaching cooler regions of the earth's atmosphere.[1] Fifthly, addressing the revival of the Earth after death, and sixthly, the diversity of roaming animals, Hasbi relates these concepts to the role of rain in fostering plant and animal life.He describes this as the initial phase of life on earth, drawing parallels with theories like James Jeffrey's tidal theory and Chamberlin Moulton's planetesimal theory, which proposes the fragmentation of a primordial mass into planets.[1] Seventhly, the concept of winds carrying plant seeds and eighthly, the role of clouds functioning between the heavens and the earth are expounded upon by Hasbi, further illustrating the interconnectedness of various natural processes within the universe.[1] From the points mentioned above, it is clear that Hasbi is trying to explain these points with an explanation of scientific theory as a form of miracle of the Qur'an in scientific terms.However, the explanation is more of a general explanation and does not appear to be too detailed regarding the suitability of the information from the verses of the Qur'an with scientific theory.
The discussion of modern scientific theories employed by Hasbi in elucidating Quranic verses related to the universe indicates that Hasbi is one of the scholars who endorse the scientific interpretation (tafsir ilmi).It is evident that when explaining Quranic verses related to the universe, Hasbi frequently associates them with modern scientific theories, as mentioned in several points above, as a manifestation of the Quran's miraculous nature substantiated by modern scientific knowledge.The presence of modern scientific knowledge is believed to complement the explanation of verses concerning the universe.Hence, some scholars often utilize scientific theories as a support in comprehending certain Quranic verses, leading to the characterization of their interpretation as "tafsir ilmi" or scientific interpretation.Looking at his comment, it will be understood that Hasbi is trying to combine the information in the Quran with scientific theory as evidence for the miracles of the Quran.Therefore, it becomes evident that Hasbi is identified as a figure in exegesis who believes that the miraculous nature of the Qur'an aligns with explanations from modern science.Consequently, certain verses of the Qur'an can also be elucidated from a scientific perspective.Nevertheless, the existence of this scientific interpretation also elicits both support and opposition among scholars.Some scholars who endorse this approach include Fahruddin al-Razi and Thantawi al-Jauhari, while others, such as Abu Ishaq al-Syathibi and Sheikh Mahmud Syaltut stand in opposition to the concept of scientific interpretation.

Interpretation of the Qur'ān using Juridical (Fiqh) Approaches
Within the Qur'ān, some verses discuss legal principles (fiqh), prompting certain scholars to compile these verses and subsequently interpret them within specialized collections known as "Ahkam al-Qur'an," [29] which are then categorized as fiqh-oriented interpretations.This interpretation emphasizes elucidating the legal provisions in the verses and outlining the methodology for deriving legal rulings from them.[30] In his exegesis, Hasbi extensively explains legal principles while elucidating legal verses.This is due to his expertise in jurisprudence (fiqh) and its foundational principles (ushul al-fiqh).An illustrative example of Hasbi's interpretation of legal principles is found in his discussion of QS. al-Mā'ida: 38: و‬ Hasbi contends that this verse pertains to the legal ruling for male and female thieves.He asserts that the judge should issue the punishment of amputation for the right hand of both male and female thieves, with the amputation boundary extending from the wrist to the base of the fingers.This ruling is established as a consequence of their actions that harm the property of others.[24] Furthermore, Hasbi asserts that this verse explicitly stipulates the punishment of hand amputation for thieves.However, the verse does not provide clear guidance on the consequences if the offense is repeated or specify the minimum value of stolen property that would lead to the punishment of hand amputation.The absence of clarification regarding the minimum value of stolen property has led to differences of opinion among scholars, particularly concerning the threshold of stolen wealth.Hasbi presents several perspectives from scholars as follows: Firstly, according to reports attributed to al-Hasan and Dauz azh-Zhahiri, they argue that even if a small amount is stolen, the punishment of hand amputation should still apply.Secondly, scholars from the early (salaf) and later (khalaf) generations agree that the minimum theft threshold is a quarter of a dinar or 3 dirhams of silver.A hadith from the Prophet supports this, reported by Bukhari and Muslim through Ibn Umar, where in the Prophet ordered the hand of a thief who stole a valuable shield worth 3 dirhams to be amputated.Thirdly, the Hanafi school asserts that the minimum threshold for theft is 10 dirhams, and the stolen item should be kept in a location designated for storing goods.[24] In almost the same language, Abu Su'ud also said that cutting off the hand would occur if a thief steals goods from a deposit box ( ٌ ‫ز‬ ْ ‫ر‬ ‫م‬ ‫)ح‬ and the value of the goods stolen is 10 dirhams or more.[31] Ibnu Kathir, in his exegesis, also states that scholars differ in determining the threshold of theft that results in the offender receiving the punishment of hand amputation.Among the criteria for theft, Ibn Kathir mentions what Hasbi explained above, such as the threshold of 3 dirhams, in accordance with the opinion of Imam Malik bin Anas based on the hadith in Bukhari and Muslim: ‫أن‬ ‫اهم‬ ‫در‬ ‫ثالثة‬ ‫مثنه‬ ‫ن‬ َ ‫م‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫ِف‬ ‫قطع‬ ‫وسلم‬ ‫عليه‬ ‫هللا‬ ‫صلى‬ ‫هللا‬ ‫.رسول‬In addition to the 3 dirhams threshold, Ibn Kathir also explains that there is a view within the Hanafi school indicating a threshold of 10 dirhams for theft.This perspective is also conveyed by Hasbi in his exegesis, indicating a general alignment between the explanations of Hasbi and Ibn Kathir on this matter.[32] Additionally, Hasbi highlights that regarding repeated theft, the punishment progressively intensifies: for the first theft, the left hand is amputated; for the second theft, the left foot is amputated; for the third theft, the right hand is amputated; and for the fourth theft, the right foot is amputated.If the individual continues to steal after this point, they will be imprisoned.Moreover, Hasbi explains that according to scholars who specialize in the matter (muhaqqiq), the terms "saariq" (male thief) and "saariqah" (female thief) imply habitual theft.Hence, hand amputation is only executed for thieves who have habitually committed theft.Those who have stolen once or twice are not considered habitual offenders and, therefore, do not incur the punishment of hand amputation.This penalty is applied when no alternative means of correction remain.[24] After elucidating these legal perspectives, Hasbi underscores that the punishment for theft can be waived if the offender is forgiven or repents, provided the case has not yet reached the judicial authorities.Nevertheless, the stolen property must still be returned.[24] Hence, we can conclude that in matters of jurisprudence (fikih) pertaining to Quranic verses, particularly in the context of issues related to the punishment of theft (qisas), Hasbi engages in an analysis incorporating perspectives from various legal schools (mazhab) relevant to the subject.He also references legal opinions, occasionally without explicitly mentioning the scholar's name, using terms such as "muhaqqiq," to expound on jurisprudential matters discussed in the verses.
Hasbi notes other scholars' opinion that greetings and seeking permission should only occur if someone is visible inside the house.[33]

Conclusion
From the explanations provided above, it can be inferred that Hasbi is among the scholars who ardently pursue religious knowledge, thereby acquiring expertise in various fields such as jurisprudence (fiqh), principles of jurisprudence (ushul al-fiqh), exegesis (tafsir), Quranic sciences (ulum al-Qur'an), theology (kalam), and more.These proficiencies were undoubtedly cultivated through unwavering determination and his profound love for Islamic scholarship.With his acquired expertise, he has also succeeded in composing numerous books and articles, with one of his significant achievements being the comprehensive 30-volume exegesis titled Tafsir an-Nuur.In writing Tafsir an-Nuur, Hasbi used a mixed method between bil ma'sur and bil ra'yi and of the two methods he was more inclined towards the bil ra'yi method, interpreting the verses of the Qur'an in an ijmali (general) manner, using mu'tabar and modern interpretations as sources of interpretation.Therefore, in his interpretation, Hasbi employs a modern interpretation method while simultaneously adhering to classical interpretation methods.Based on research, it can be concluded that the nature of his interpretation is sociocultural and literary.Technically, he also uses several methods in interpreting verses of the Qur'an such as; Firstly, he interprets the Qur'ān using the al-Qur'an itself, secondly, he interprets the Qur'ān using hadith, thirdly, he interprets the Qur'ān using the statements of the ṣaḥāba and tābi'īn, fourthly, he interprets al-Qur'an using the context of revelation (asbāb alnuzūl), fifthly, he interprets the Qur'ān using inter-sūrat correlation (munāsaba of inter-sūrat), sixthly, he interprets the Qur'ān using modern scientific approaches, seventhly, he interprets the Qur'ān using juridical (fiqh) approaches, lastly, he interprets the Qur'ān using cultural approaches.Owing to its wellstructured and lucid presentation, the intended meanings of the verses are effectively conveyed and easily comprehended by readers, whether they are researchers or members of the general public.