Islamic Boarding School (Pondok Pesantren) of Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung is a female Islamic boarding school that implements an accelerated tahfīẓ (Qur’anic memorization) program through a habituation model similar to that applied at Islamic Boarding School (Pondok Pesantren) of Hamalatul Qur’an Jogoroto. [21] Located in Ringinagung hamlet, Keling village, Kepung district, Kediri regency, it was established in 2018 as part of the Hamalatul Qur’an Putri network, which operates in five locations: (1) Hamalatul Qur’an Putri Jogoroto Jombang; (2) Hamalatul Qur’an Putri Ringinagung Kediri; (3) Hamalatul Qur’an Putri Dawrah Tasmi’ Kediri; (4) Hamalatul Qur’an Putri Kampung Inggris Kediri; and (5) Hamalatul Qur’an Putri Asy-Syahadah Surabaya.

The implementation of habituation is embodied in various activities designed as riyāḍah (spiritual discipline) for students in memorizing the Qur’an. These activities include: performing Tahajud prayer with the recitation of ½ juz, followed by riyāḍah lisān (oral exercise) of ¼ juz; Duha prayer with ½ juz; muroqabah (intensive review) of 5 juz; and additional muroqabah of 1 juz during Ẓuhr and ʿAṣr. Students carry out their tahfīẓ (memorization) in between these activities, with three daily submission sessions (setoran): in the morning after the 5-juz muroqabah, in the afternoon after the ʿAṣr muroqabah, and at night after the mandatory study session. This tradition of extensive Qur’anic recitation becomes the students’ primary capital in completing their memorization with an average duration of four months at Pondok Pesantren Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung.

Within the philosophy of Hamalatul Qur’an, three fundamental principles are articulated [22]: Jogoroto, Jogorogo, and Jogoroso. Jogoroto refers to reciting the Qur’an comprehensively and continuously across all 30 juz, without selecting or privileging any particular portion. Jogorogo means maintaining physical well-being in order to participate fully in all institutional activities. For this reason, the pesantren enforces regulations prohibiting physical sports that might disrupt the ongoing programs. Jogoroso emphasizes preserving the proper “sense” of Qur’anic recitation in accordance with the rules of faṣāḥah (eloquence) and tajwīd.

Islamic Boarding School (Pondok Pesantren) of Hamalatul Qur’an follows the murottal standard of Mahmud Khalil Al-Husary, a renowned Egyptian qāriʾ, whose recitations are frequently played before Tahajud, Ẓuhr, and ʿAṣr prayers as a model of tartīl (measured recitation). His work Aḥkām al-Qirā’āt al-Qur’ān al-Karīm is also used as a reference and guide for Qur’anic recitation studies. The recitation of the Qur’an is regarded as an act of worship that requires the presence of a teacher, as guidance is essential to measure, monitor, and prevent errors in pronunciation. Hamalatul Qur’an does not adopt local or non-standard recitation styles such as “kruwas kruwes” or rhythmic sound patterns like “ning nang ning nung.” As a structured method, Hamalatul Qur’an is designed to safeguard the recitation process from two primary issues [23]: ghurabā’ (the use of foreign linguistic elements or sounds inconsistent with Arabic phonological rules) and khālī al-dhihnī (the inability to properly understand and apply the principles of correct recitation). Its main objective is to ensure that Qur’anic recitation adheres to widely recognized and accepted standards of tajwīd and faṣāḥah within the broader Muslim community

Green defines tradition as a set of specific practices originating in the past and maintained by a community in the present due to certain interests or values considered important. [24] Tradition is not merely a collection of habits, but a practice that is consciously preserved and transmitted. In line with this, Shils views tradition as a reflection of continuity namely, the representation of the past that continues to be present in contemporary life. In certain circumstances, tradition can become so integrated with current reality that it appears as though it were a new innovation, while in fact it is deeply rooted in past heritage [25].

The tradition of khatam (completing the Qur’an) in Tahajud is one of the daily routine practices of Qur’anic recitation performed by the students, covering a maqra’ of 30 juz in a continuous and repetitive manner. At Islamic Boarding School (Pondok Pesantren) of Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung, the completion of the Qur’an in Tahajud is carried out congregationally, with the recitation rotating through Qirā’āt Sab‘ah according to one narration at a time, such as the riwāyah of Qālūn from Nāfiʿ, Warsh from Nāfiʿ, Shuʿbah or Ḥafṣ from ʿĀṣim, al-Dūrī from Abū ʿAmr or al-Kisāʾī, until all the recitations of the imams along with their narrations are completed. The Tahajud prayer with Qirā’āt Sab‘ah has been practiced since 2021 until the present. Utilizing available technology, the activity is broadcast through live streaming on the PPHQ Putri YouTube channel [26].

The tradition of completing the Qur’an in prayer and practicing Qirā’āt Sab‘ah has long been carried out by the salaf al-ṣāliḥ and even among the Companions, such as Ubayy ibn Kaʿb, ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān, Ibn Masʿūd, Ibn ʿUmar, Ibn ʿAbbās, Abū Bakr, Zayd ibn Thābit, and others. Several contemporary qurrāʾ also maintain the tradition of completing multiple recitations. For example, Muhammad bin Hakam Basyir completes the Qur’an once every week using Qirā’āt Sab‘ah. The muqriʾ Fatḥ Muḥammad (d. 1407 H) from Pakistan completed the Qur’an based on surahs or juz according to available time; if each narrator was completed in three days, then the entirety of Qirā’āt ʿAshrah would be finished in sixty days, as it consists of twenty narrators. Likewise, Muhammad Abd al-Hamid Abdullah Khalil, a contemporary qāriʾ, completed Qirā’āt ʿAshrah every month in night prayers or personal recitation, reading one qāriʾ along with all his narrations every three days [27][28].

In an interview with Ustadz Faiq Faizin, he explained the origin of the Tahajud activity with Qirā’āt Sab‘ah as follows:

“The Tahajud activity with Qirā’āt Sab‘ah began when a student named Alfin from Kudus requested to submit his Qirā’ah Sab‘ah recitation to me. At that time, I directed him to my teacher, KH Muhtadi Mukhtar in Tebuireng. However, my teacher referred him back to me. Eventually, I had no choice but to begin accepting his Qirā’ah Sab‘ah submission. Seeing his perseverance in traveling all the way from Jombang motivated me to review (menderes) Qirā’āt Sab‘ah within prayer and eventually formalize it as part of the Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung program. I saw Tahajud as an obligatory pesantren activity that could encourage me to continuously review Qirā’āt Sab‘ah. At the same time, students who were in the process of submitting Qirā’āt Sab‘ah would greatly benefit by directly observing and listening to their teacher practice the recitations.”

The Tahajud prayer using Qirā’āt Sab‘ah is conducted only when Ustadz Faiq Faizin serves as imam. In his absence, a student replaces him as imam but without using Qirā’āt Sab‘ah. He further explained that if a student has completed the level of Qirā’āt Sab‘ah memorization, he willingly offers them the opportunity to serve as substitute imam. Regarding correcting recitation errors, Ustadz Faiq Faizin explained:

“When the imam makes a mistake in recitation whether in applying the rules or in farsh al-ḥurūf of a particular narration the congregants behind him give correction. Most of those praying behind me have already studied Qirā’ah Sab‘ah. Even if some have not, initially they try to follow and sense which Qirā’ah is being recited, and eventually they are able to correct rule-based mistakes. Of course, one of the congregants brings a Qirā’āt mushaf to facilitate following the imam.”

The Tahajud activity using Qirā’āt Sab‘ah may be categorized as a demanding practice rarely undertaken by most people. The Qur’an is described as qawlan thaqīlā (a weighty word). In Tafsīr Fatḥ al-Qadīr, al-Shawkānī explains three classifications of “weightiness” [29]. First, the Qur’an contains obligations and prohibitions, lawful and unlawful matters, promises and warnings; those who read it may feel its gravity unless their hearts are strengthened with divine guidance and faith. Second, “weighty” signifies noble, firm, substantial, and not trivial speech, since the Qur’an is the word of Allah. Third, the description of weightiness is understood literally based on a hadith of the Prophet [30], which narrates that once, while receiving revelation on his camel, the animal collapsed with its chest pressed to the ground and could not move until the revelation was completed [31].

Interviews with three students who have completed the level of tahfīẓ Qirā’āt Sab‘ah Azidah Maghfiroh, Zharifa Zeira Mecca, and Siti Fathimah revealed their experiences in attending Tahajud prayer:

“For us, listening attentively (menyimak) during Tahajud is a challenge because after waking up, drowsiness can easily return. If one has already completed (khatam) the recitation, there is a possibility of becoming less serious in listening because one feels it is already memorized. One might even close the eyes (intending to be more focused) and still feel safe during the prayer. However, when listening to Qirā’āt Sab‘ah, we are required to be more meticulous about which words must be adjusted according to each narration. This truly trains our concentration and memorization. There is certainly an impact on our mastery of Qirā’āt Sab‘ah, especially for those of us who have already studied it. The congregational Tahajud model with Qirā’āt Sab‘ah becomes a place for us to perform muroja‘ah (review), even if only by listening, and we are able to recall the specific rules of each imam.”

Based on observation, one significant finding is the application of the Living Qur’an approach in the supplications recited after Tahajud prayer. The imam recites QS. Al-Isrāʾ: 77–82 and QS. Ṭāhā: 25–35.

QS. Al-Isrāʾ: 77–82

سُنَّةَ مَن قَدْ أَرْسَلْنَا قَبْلَكَ مِن رُّسُلِنَا ۖ وَلَا تَجِدُ لِسُنَّتِنَا تَحْوِيلًا (77) أَقِمِ الصَّلَاةَ لِدُلُوكِ الشَّمْسِ إِلَىٰ غَسَقِ اللَّيْلِ وَقُرْآنَ الْفَجْرِ ۖ إِنَّ قُرْآنَ الْفَجْرِ كَانَ مَشْهُودًا (78) وَمِنَ اللَّيْلِ فَتَهَجَّدْ بِهِ نَافِلَةً لَّكَ عَسَىٰ أَن يَبْعَثَكَ رَبُّكَ مَقَامًا مَّحْمُودًا (79) وَقُل رَّبِّ أَدْخِلْنِي مُدْخَلَ صِدْقٍ وَأَخْرِجْنِي مُخْرَجَ صِدْقٍ وَاجْعَل لِّي مِن لَّدُنكَ سُلْطَانًا نَّصِيرًا (80) وَقُلْ جَاءَ الْحَقُّ وَزَهَقَ الْبَاطِلُ ۚ إِنَّ الْبَاطِلَ كَانَ زَهُوقًا (81) وَنُنَزِّلُ مِنَ الْقُرْآنِ مَا هُوَ شِفَاءٌ وَرَحْمَةٌ لِّلْمُؤْمِنِينَ ۙ وَلَا يَزِيدُ الظَّالِمِينَ إِلَّا خَسَارًا (82)

QS. Ṭāhā: 25–35

قَالَ رَبِّ اشْرَحْ لِي صَدْرِي (25) وَيَسِّرْ لِي أَمْرِي (26) وَاحْلُلْ عُقْدَةً مِّن لِّسَانِي (27) يَفْقَهُوا قَوْلِي (28) وَاجْعَل لِّي وَزِيرًا مِّنْ أَهْلِي (29) هَارُونَ أَخِي (30) اشْدُدْ بِهِ أَزْرِي (31) وَأَشْرِكْهُ فِي أَمْرِي (32) كَيْ نُسَبِّحَكَ كَثِيرًا (33) وَنَذْكُرَكَ كَثِيرًا (34) إِنَّكَ كُنتَ بِنَا بَصِيرًا (35)

The Tahajud prayer along with the supplication of QS. Al-Isrāʾ: 77–82 became an inseparable riyāḍah (spiritual discipline) for KH Ainul Yaqin when initiating the establishment of the Hamalatul Qur’an pesantren in 2011. QS. Al-Isrāʾ: 77 affirms that Allah destroys communities who expel and kill prophets. However, in the context of the Quraysh disbelievers, Allah did not destroy them immediately because Prophet Muhammad was first commanded to migrate (hijrah) before their expulsion occurred [32]. QS. Al-Isrāʾ: 78–79 advises the establishment of prayer during the day and night, even in hardship. Tahajud was obligatory for the prophets and remains sunnah for Muslims [33]. The essence of the supplication lies particularly in QS. Al-Isrāʾ: 80, in which the Prophet prays to enter Madinah safely and to depart from Makkah sincerely and contentedly [34]. KH Ainul Yaqin explained that this Tahajud riyāḍah and supplication are intended as prayers for divine guidance and protection in implementing the pesantren’s curriculum and programs.

QS. Ṭāhā: 25–35 was added later. KH Ainul Yaqin recited this supplication while performing ṭawāf at Masjid al-Ḥarām in 2019, during a time when he faced institutional challenges specifically, the absence of a capable student to be entrusted as head of one of the dormitory programs, Wadil Qur’an. The verse وَاجْعَل لِّي وَزِيرًا مِّنْ أَهْلِي was articulated as a prayer for a trustworthy and capable leader. After returning from ʿumrah, KH Ainul Yaqin encountered a student named Ahmad Muhajir from Demak, an alumnus of Pesantren Al-Anwar Sarang, who continued his studies at Hamalatul Qur’an. His rapid completion of tahfīẓ and strong linguistic competence became considerations for appointing him as head of the Wadil Qur’an dormitory.

Subsequently, KH Ainul Yaqin appointed another student, Mu’arif from Cilacap, whose communication skills and bureaucratic management abilities qualified him to lead the Salafiyyah dormitory of Hamalatul Qur’an. However, before discovering these figures, KH Ainul Yaqin experienced repeated obstacles and tests in cadre formation, including various failures in selecting leaders who met the expected standards. Through the consistent practice of Tahajud riyāḍah, he sought divine strength, protection, and perseverance in sustaining the Hamalatul Qur’an programs.

This aligns with the interpretation of al-Ālūsī, who explains that the phrase وَاجْعَل لِّي وَزِيرًا مِّنْ أَهْلِي continues the supplication of Prophet Musa to Allah, requesting that his brother Harun be appointed as a prophet due to his competence in assisting him in confronting Pharaoh [35]. Thus, the two supplications were not practiced simultaneously from the beginning. QS. Al-Isrāʾ: 77–82 has been recited since 2011, coinciding with the establishment of the pesantren. Since 2019 until the present, QS. Ṭāhā: 25–35 has been added and recited together with the former as part of the ongoing spiritual discipline.

The Qirā’āt Sab‘ah submission (setoran) activities at Islamic Boarding School (Pondok Pesantren) of Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung use the book Fayḍ al-Barakāt fī Sab‘ al-Qirā’āt authored by KH M. Arwani Amin as the primary reference. This book serves as a guide for reciting the Qur’an using the jam‘ kubrā method. KH Arwani Amin composed it during his period of submission to KH Muhammad Munawwir, aiming to facilitate later generations in learning Qirā’āt Sab‘ah and to shorten the duration required to master it [36]. Previously, during his four years of study (1926–1930) at Tebuireng, KH Arwani Amin studied the theory of Qirā’āt Sab‘ah under KH M. Hasyim Asy'ari, using the book Sirāj al-Qārī’, a commentary on Ḥirz al-Amānī wa Wajh al-Tahānī by Imam al-Shāṭibī [37].

The introduction of Qirā’āt Sab‘ah to Islamic Boarding School (Pondok Pesantren) of Hamalatul Qur’an Jogoroto Jombang began with Ustadz Faiq Faizin from Jember. In 2013, he was mandated by KH Ainul Yaqin, the caretaker of the Hamalatul Qur’an pesantren, to pursue post-tahfīẓ studies at Pesantren Bayt Al-Qur’an, South Tangerang, under the guidance of M. Quraish Shihab and the scholars of the Pusat Studi Al-Qur’an, including KH Ahsin Sakho Muhammad. Through this program, Ustadz Faiq Faizin began intensive theoretical study of Qirā’āt Sab‘ah. After completing approximately six months of post-tahfīẓ education, he returned to Hamalatul Qur’an and continued his Qirā’āt Sab‘ah submission to KH Muhtadi Mukhtar from 2014 until 2017. KH Muhtadi Mukhtar was a third-generation student who completed Qirā’āt Sab‘ah through a chain of transmission from KH Khoirurrofiq (Kendal), KH Makshum Zubaidi (Solo), KH Marzuqi Khoiruddin (Malang), KH Hisyam Hayyat (Kudus), KH Arwani Amin (Kudus), up to KH Muhammad Munawwir (Yogyakarta) [38]. In 2018, Ustadz Faiq Faizin was entrusted by KH Ainul Yaqin to lead Islamic Boarding School (Pondok Pesantren) of Hamalatul Qur’an Putri Ringinagung, implementing the habituation program while continuing the scholarly chain (sanad) of Qirā’āt in the institution.

For beginners, Fayḍ al-Barakāt is considered quite demanding because it does not elaborate in detail on the differences among the Qirā’āt imams nor systematically explain rule-based disagreements. Instead, it emphasizes the exposition of farsh al-ḥurūf from beginning to end. Therefore, students are not permitted to directly begin Qirā’āt Sab‘ah submission. They are first required to participate in a Dawrah Qirā’ah Sab‘ah as foundational preparation.

According to an interview with Ustadzah Ratu Bilqis:

“The study of Qirā’āt is structured and focused, yet delivered in a way that students can follow. We are directly guided by Ustadz Faiq. The main program is a one-month intensive Dawrah Qirā’āt Sab‘ah. At the beginning, students do not immediately submit recitations but are equipped with foundational knowledge, including memorizing the names of the seven Qirā’āt imams and their transmitters, understanding Qirā’āt terminology, and strengthening Arabic foundations through the Arba‘īn Nahwu Shorof method so students understand the reasons behind recitational differences. Only after this foundation is considered sufficient do students gradually begin the submission stage.”

After completing the dawrah, students proceed to memorization submission using three methods: ifrad, jam‘ sughrā, and jam‘ kubrā[39]. 1) Ifrad Method, Reciting the Qur’an using only one narration from a specific transmitter without mixing others [40]. For example, reading the riwāyah of Khalaf from Imam Hamzah. In Qirā’āt Sab‘ah there are seven imams, each with two transmitters (fourteen narrations). At Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung, ifrad is applied only to Juz 1, rotating through all fourteen narrations. 2) Jam‘ Sughrā Method, linguistically meaning “to combine,” this method merges the two transmitters of each imam [41]. It is also practiced only in Juz 1, such as combining al-Dūrī and al-Sūsī from Imam Abū ‘Amr al-Baṣrī, or Hishām and Ibn Dhakwān from Imam Ibn ‘Āmir. Students must complete Juz 1 using both ifrad and jam‘ sughrā before progressing further. 3) Jam‘ Kubrā Method, The comprehensive merging of all Qirā’āt Sab‘ah imams’ recitations[42]. VVerses containing differences (ikhtilāf) are repeated according to each imam’s reading, while identical readings are recited once. At this stage, students submit their memorization continuously from Juz 1 to completion using Fayḍ al-Barakāt, which is systematically arranged according to the jam‘ kubrā method.

Submission sessions are conducted intensively three times daily to ensure measurable learning acceleration. When face-to-face sessions are not possible, submissions are conducted online via video call platforms such as Google Meet or Zoom directly with Ustadz Faiq Faizin. If he is unavailable, a designated substitute (badal) ensures continuity. The Qirā’āt Sab‘ah program is selective. Only students who have completed 30 juz tahfīẓ with strong recitation, have performed tasmi‘ fluently, are ready to embrace recitational differences, and are prepared for a disciplined schedule may enroll.

The application of Qirā’āt Sab‘ah is not limited to formal submission sessions but is also integrated into congregational Tahajud prayer. The wisdom derived includes enhanced collective understanding of Qirā’āt recitations, formation of habituation patterns in recognizing recitational differences through lived practice, and reduced unfamiliarity when hearing variant recitations outside the dominant Ḥafṣ narration. Thus, Qirā’āt is not merely studied theoretically but actualized within worship embodying the Living Qur’an in practice.

Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) was a French sociologist known as the originator and developer of the theory of habitus, which has had a major influence on postmodern humanities and social sciences. His theory represents a synthesis of two preceding theoretical traditions: Claude Levi-Strauss’s structuralism and Jean-Paul Sartre’s existentialism [43]. Structuralism assumes that the rules operating within every society form a system. According to this view, various social events are essentially predictable because human actions are shaped and directed by binding structures and rules [44] In contrast, Jean-Paul Sartre emphasized that each individual’s actions are determined by personal choice rather than by law or social structure. In this perspective, human beings are viewed as free subjects who are simultaneously responsible for their actions [45].

Pierre Bourdieu integrated these two perspectives into a new theoretical framework known as constructive structuralism. In his view, there is a reciprocal relationship between subjectivity and objectivity between agents and social structures. Through his ethnographic research among the Kabyle community in Algeria, Bourdieu demonstrated that officially recognized marriage rules were in fact rarely practiced rigidly; rather, they were selectively applied according to the interests of the actors involved [46]. According to Bourdieu’s theory, human social life is shaped by the interaction between subjective and objective dimensions, which together influence and construct social reality. His framework of social practice is formulated into three main concepts: habitus, capital, and field, expressed in the equation:

(Habitus × Capital) + Field = Practice

Habitus constitutes a cognitive and dispositional framework through which individuals interpret, evaluate, and respond to social reality, while simultaneously serving as the source of life practices aligned with the objective structures surrounding them. Structure and practice are inseparable dimensions, as habitus forms the foundation of individual orientation and personality. The formation and operation of habitus rely on the regularity of repeated social experiences, while the actualization of practice depends more on improvisational capacity than on rigid adherence to formal rules [47]. Capital, as defined by Bourdieu, refers to thoughts, interests, or resources at stake within a field and is not always material in nature. Competition among agents is not necessarily based on conscious calculation. Here, Bourdieu aligns with Karl Marx’s theory that economic capital can enable control over other forms of capital [48]. Field is defined by Bourdieu as a network or configuration of objective relations between positions. These positions are objectively defined in their existence and in the determinations they impose upon their occupants agents and institutions based on their actual and potential situations within the structure of power (or capital) distribution. Possession of power (or capital) grants access to advantages at stake within the field, as well as objective relations with other positions (such as domination, subordination, homology, etc.) [49].

In this study, habitus is understood as the dispositional, cognitive, and practical framework formed through the repeated religious experiences of students (santri) in performing Tahajud prayer with Qirā’āt Sab‘ah. Habitus functions as an interpretive framework that nurtures students’ desire to understand and love the Qur’an while simultaneously integrating Qirā’āt Sab‘ah scholarship into the routine practice of Tahajud, aligned with the objective structure of Pondok Pesantren Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung. The formation of habitus does not occur merely through normative obedience but through the internalization of values, exemplary conduct, and sustained activities, resulting in consistent and voluntary behavioral patterns among students.

Bourdieu classifies capital into four categories: economic capital, cultural capital, social capital, and symbolic capital [50]. In the context of Pondok Pesantren Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung, the capital possessed by Ustadz Faiq Faizin as the caretaker falls primarily into the categories of cultural and social capital, occupying the highest hierarchical position within the pesantren’s social structure. Cultural capital may be understood as the set of capacities or competencies possessed by an individual, including knowledge, skills, social interaction patterns, and other abilities that shape and reproduce social position. Mastery of Qirā’āt Sab‘ah, the ability to recite the Qur’an according to qudwat al-qirā’āt, scholarly etiquette (adab), and modes of interaction within pesantren tradition are embodied in physical dispositions and religious consciousness recognized and valued within the pesantren environment. This capital also appears in institutionalized forms, such as the legitimacy granted by the kyai, the certification of sanad (chain of transmission), and socially acknowledged scholarly status [51].

Field, within the concept of habitus, cannot be separated from it; both are interrelated and mutually constitutive. In this context, the field refers to Pondok Pesantren Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung as a socio-religious space possessing an objective structure in the form of rules, traditions, vision, and mission directed toward achieving mastery of Qur’anic scholarship. Bourdieu views the field as a site of social struggle. Accordingly, the pesantren can be seen as an arena of social practice contestation, where the Tradition of Completing Qirā’āt Sab‘ah in Tahajud Prayer functions as a legitimate culture. Social actors such as the kyai, administrators, teachers, and students occupy specific positions and gain recognition through their involvement and roles within this field [52].

Within Bourdieu’s framework, the position of social actors—whether individually or collectively is determined by their location in the social space structured by the volume and composition of capital they possess. In the context of the Tradition of Completing Qirā’āt Sab‘ah in Tahajud Prayer at Pondok Pesantren Hamalatul Qur’an Ringinagung, the central role is strongly influenced by Ustadz Faiq Faizin as the dominant actor who holds a significant accumulation of capital within this practice. The possession of such capital places him in a strategic position to determine the direction, legitimacy, and reproduction of the tradition. His authority is not merely administrative but symbolic and cultural, enabling him to define what constitutes legitimate religious practice within the pesantren’s social structure.

Based on capital ownership, Pierre Bourdieu conceptualizes society along a vertical dimension [53]. First, there is the dominant class, characterized by a substantial accumulation of capital. Within this class, various forms of capital converge, allowing its members to affirm their social identity as actors who define and determine legitimate culture. They possess the authority to shape norms, values, and standards recognized within the field.

Second, there is the petty bourgeoisie or small bourgeois group. This group aspires to ascend the social hierarchy through directed life practices and often tends to imitate the culture of the dominant class. In the pesantren context, this position is occupied by the ustadzah (female teachers) and administrators, who participate actively in sustaining and implementing the tradition while simultaneously reinforcing their proximity to the dominant cultural authority.

Third, there is the popular class, characterized by limited or minimal possession of the four types of capital previously outlined economic, cultural, social, and symbolic capital. In this context, this group is represented by the santri (students). Although they may not initially possess significant capital, they participate in the reproduction of the tradition through practice, discipline, and gradual acquisition of cultural and symbolic capital within the pesantren field. Through this structured interaction, the tradition of completing Qirā’āt Sab‘ah in Tahajud prayer is continuously maintained and reproduced across hierarchical positions within the social space.